THE GEOGRAPHY (Foreign Office UK)
Area: 27 750 sq. km. (10714 sq. mi.);
Isle de la Gonave and Isle de la Tortue
comprise Haiti's principle offshore
territories.
Population: 8.3 million (2002 est.) (note:
estimates for Haiti explicitly take into
account the effects of excess
mortality due to AIDS. This can result
in lower life expectancy, higher infant
mortality and death rates, lower
population and growth rates, and
changes in the distribution of population
by age and sex than would otherwise
be expected).
Capital City: Port au Prince (population:
1,220 000). Other cities: Cap Hatien
(population: 600,000)
People: African descent 95%, African
and European descent 5%.
Language(s): French (official), Creole
(official).
Religion(s): Roman Catholic 80%,
Protestant 16%, Baptist 10%, Pentecostal
4%, Adventist 1%, voodoo practices
pervasive.
Currency: The gourde
Major political parties: Lavalas Family
(FL), Struggling People's Organisation
(OPL), Open the Gate Party ((PLB),
Christian Movement for a New Haiti
(MOCHRENHA), Democratic
Consultation Group (ESPACE), Popular
Solidarity Alliance (ESKANP), and
several others. The Democratic
Convergence is a coalition of parties
formed to protest the results of the
May 2000 elections.
Government: Republic
GEOGRAPHY
Terrain: Rugged mountains with small
coastal plains and river valleys, and a
large east central elevated plateau.
Climate: Warm, semi-arid, high
humidity in many coastal areas.
THE HISTORY (Foreign Office UK)
The Spaniards used the island of
Hispaniola (of which Haiti is the
western part and the Dominican
Republic the eastern) as a launching
point from which to explore the rest
of the Western Hemisphere. French
Buccaneers later used the western
third of the island as a point from
which to harass English and Spanish
ships. In 1697, Spain ceded the western
third of Hispaniola to France. As piracy
was gradually suppressed, some
French adventurers became planters,
making Saint Domingue, as the French
portion of the island was known, the
'pearl of the Antilles' - one of the
richest colonies in the 18th century
French Empire.
During this period, African slaves were
brought to work on Sugarcane and
Coffee plantations. In 1791, the slave
population revolted - led by Haitian
heroes Toussaint L'Ouverture,
Jean-Jacques Dessalines, and Henri
Christophe - and gained control of the
northern part of the French colony,
waging a war of attrition against the
French.
By January 1804, the local forces
defeated an army sent by Napoleon
Bonaparte, established independence
from France, and renamed the area
Haiti. The impending defeat of the
French in Haiti is widely credited with
contributing to Napoleon's decision to
sell Louisiana territory to the United
States in 1803. Haiti is the world's
oldest black republic and the
second-oldest republic in the Western
Hemisphere, after the United States.
Although Haiti actively assisted the
independence movements of many
Latin American countries, the
independent nation of former slaves
was excluded from the hemisphere's
first regional meeting of independent
nations, in Panama in 1826, and did not
receive US diplomatic recognition until
1862.
Two separate regimes (north and
south) emerged after independence,
but were unified in 1820. Two years
later, Haiti occupied Santo Domingo,
the eastern, Spanish speaking part of
Hispaniola. In 1844, however, Santo
Domingo broke away from Haiti and
became the Dominican Republic. With
22 changes of government from 1843
to 1915, Haiti experienced numerous
periods of intense political and
economic disorder, prompting the
United States military intervention of
1915. Following a 19-year occupation,
US military forces were withdrawn in
1934 and Haiti regained sovereign rule.
From February 7, 1986 - when the
29-year-old dictatorship of the
Duvalier family ended - until 1991, Haiti
was ruled by a series of Provisional
governments. In 1987 a constitution
was ratified that provides for an
elected, bicameral parliament, an
elected president that serves as a head
of state, and a prime minister, cabinet,
ministers, and supreme court
appointed by the president with
parliament's consent. The Haitian
Constitution also provides for political
decentralisation through the election of
mayors and administrative bodies
responsible for local government.
BBC News Online country timeline
POLITICS
Recent Political Developments
The 1991 Coup
In December 1990, Jean-Bertrand
Aristide, a charismatic Roman Catholic
priest, won 67% of the vote in a
presidential election that international
observers deemed largely free and
fair. Aristide took office on February
7, 1991, but was overthrown that
September in a violent coup led by a
dissatisfied elements of the army and
supported by many of the country's
economic elite. Following the coup,
Aristide began what became a
three-year period of exile. An
estimated 3,000 û 5,000 Haitians were
killed during the period of de-facto
military rule. The coup created a
large-scale exodus of boat people. The
US Coast Guard rescued a total of
41,342 Haitians during 1991 and 1992,
more than the number of rescued
refugees from the previous 10 years
combined.
From October 1991 to September 1994
an unconstitutional military de-facto
regime governed Haiti. Various OAS
and UN initiatives to end the political
crisis through the peaceful restoration
of the constitutionally elected
government, including the Governors
Island Agreement of July 1993, failed
when the military refused to uphold its
end of the agreements. The de-facto
authorities chose to ignore the impact
of international sanctions imposed
after the coup allowing Haiti's already
weak economy to collapse and the
country's infrastructure to deteriorate
from neglect.
Transition to Democracy
On 31 July, 1994, as repression
mounted in Haiti and a UN/OAS civilian
human rights monitoring mission
(MICIVIH) was expelled from the
country, the UN Security Council
adopted resolution 940 which
authorised member states to use all
necessary means to facilitate the
departure of Haiti's military leadership
and to restore Haiti's constitutionally
elected government to power.
In the weeks that followed, the United
States took the lead in forming a
multinational force (MFN) to carry out
the UN's mandate by means of a
military intervention. In
mid-September, with US troops
prepared to enter Haiti by force,
President Clinton dispatched a
negotiating team led by former
President Jimmy Carter to persuade
the de-facto authorities to step aside
and allow for the return of
constitutional rule. With intervening
troops already airborne, General Rauol
Cedras and other top leaders agreed to
step down and accept the unopposed
intervention of the MNF. On 19
September 1994, the first contingents
of what became a 21,000 international
force touched down in Haiti to oversee
the end of military rule and the
restoration of the constitutional
government. By early October the
three de-facto leaders - Cedras,
General Phillipe Biamby, and Police
Chief Lt, Colonel Michel Francois - had
departed Haiti. President Aristide and
other elected officials returned on 15
October.
Under the watchful eyes of
international peacekeepers, restored
Haitian authorities organised nationwide
local and parliamentary elections in
June 1995. A pro-Aristide, multi-party
coalition called the Lavalas Political
Organisation (OPL) (Most refer to
'Lavalas' (the first organization) and
'Fanmi Lavalas' (the second) to avoid
confusion with the current OPL) swept
into power at all levels. With his term
ending in February 1995 and barred by
the constitution from succeeding
himself, President Aristide agreed to
step aside and support a presidential
election in December 1995. Rene
Preval, a prominent Aristide political
ally, who had been Aristide's Prime
Minister in 1991, took 88% of the vote,
and was sworn in to a 5 year term on
February 7 1996, during what was
Haiti's first ever transition between
two democratically elected presidents.
Political Gridlock
In late 1996, former President Aristide
broke from the OPL and created a
new political party, the Lavalas Family
(FL). The OPL, holding the majority of
the parliament, renamed itself the
Struggling People's Party, maintaining
the OPL acronym. Elections in April
1997 for the renewal of one-third of
the Senate and creation of
commune-level assemblies and town
delegations provided the first
opportunity for the former political
allies to compete for elected office.
Although preliminary results indicated
victories for FL candidates in most
races, the elections, which drew only
about 5% of registered voters, were
plagued with allegations of fraud and
not certified by most intentional
observers as free and fair. Under
pressure, the Preval Government
refused to accept the results, but did
little to remedy the situation. Partisan
rancour from the election dispute led
to deep divisions within Parliament and
between the legislative and executive
branches, resulting in almost total
government gridlock. In June 1997,
Prime Minister Rosny Smarth resigned.
Two successors proposed by President
Preval thereafter were rejected by
the legislature. Eventually, in December
1998, Jacques Alexis was confirmed as
Prime Minister.
During this gridlock period, the
government was unable to organise the
local and parliamentary elections due in
late 1998. In early January 1999,
President Preval dismissed legislators
whose terms had expired - the entire
Chamber of Deputies and all but nine
members of the Senate - and
converted locally elected officials into
state employees. The President and
Prime Minister then ruled by decree,
establishing a Cabinet composed almost
entirely of FL partisans. Under
pressure from a new political coalition
called the Democratic Consultation
Group (ESPACE), the government
allocated three seats of the
nine-member Provisional Electoral
Council (CEP) to opposition groups and
mandated the CEP to organise the
overdue elections for local councils
(ASEC and CASEK), municipal
governments, town delegates, the
Chamber of deputies, and two-thirds
of the Senate took place on 21 May,
2000. The election drew the
participation of a multitude of
candidates from a wide array of
political parties and a voter turnout of
more than 60%.
The Electoral Crisis
Controversy mired the good start,
however, when the CEP used a flawed
methodology to determine the winners
of the Senate races, thus avoiding
run-off elections and giving FL a
virtual sweep in the first round. The
flawed vote count, combined with the
lack of CEP follow-up of investigations
of alleged irregularities and fraud,
undercut the credibility of that body,
whose President fled Haiti and two
members eventually resigned rather
than accede to government pressure
to release the erroneous election
results. This electoral manipulation and
the subsequent intransigence of Haitian
authorities toward international efforts
led by the OAS to assist them take
corrective measures, led to sharp
criticism of the Government of Haiti
from the international community. On
28 August, 2000, Haiti's new
parliament, including 10 Senators
accorded victory under the flawed
vote count, was convened.
Concurrently, most opposition parties
regrouped in a tactical alliance that
eventually became the Democratic
Convergence. It was the position of the
Convergence that the May elections
were so fraudulent that they should be
annulled and held again under a new
CEP, but only after then President
Preval had stood down and replaced by
a provisional government. In the
meantime, the opposition announced it
would boycott the November
presidential and senatorial elections.
Through a number of diplomatic
missions by Organisation of American
States and the Community of Andean
Nations (OAS), the Caribbean
Community (CARICOM), and the United
States, the international community had
sought to delay Parliament's seating
until the electoral problems could be
rectified. When these efforts were
rebuffed and Parliament was seated,
Haiti's main bilateral donors, including
the EU announced the end of 'business
as usual'. They moved to re-channel
Haitian assistance away from
assistance away from the government,
and announced they would not support
or send observers to the November
elections. From September through
late October, the international
community attempted unsuccessfully to
bridge the differences between the
Fanmi Lavalas government and the
Democratic Convergence. In absence of
a solution and in keeping with the
timetable established by the Haitian
Constitution, elections for President
and 9 Senators took place on 26
November 2000. All major opposition
parties boycotted these elections in
which voter participation was very
low. Jean-Bertrand Aristide emerged
as the victor of these elections and the
candidates of his Fanmi Lavalas swept
all nine contested Senate seats.
On 14 December 2000, the democratic
Convergence announced it was taking
steps toward creating a provisional
government that would assume 'office'
on 7 February - the day of
President-elect Aristide's inauguration.
The primary objective of this
'government' would be to organise new
elections. To forestall a more serious
crisis, a United States diplomatic
mission in late December obtained Mr
Aristide's commitment to an eight point
plan that among other things would
rectify the May elections and create a
credible new electoral council.
In early February 2001, a group of
prominent Haitians, known as the
Commission of Facilitation of the Civil
Society Initiative and a Representative
of the OAS brought together for
face-to-face negotiations
representatives of the Fanmi Lavalas
and the Democratic Convergence. The
talks collapsed on February 6, on the
eve of the Presidential inauguration.
The Fanmi Lavalas would not move
beyond its eight-point commitment of
December. The Democratic
Convergence insisted on the annulment
of the 21 May 2000 and the 6
November 2000 elections as well as on
broad power-sharing arrangements
for the Convergence in Government.
On 7 February 2001, Jean-Bertrand
Aristide was sworn in as the new
Haitian President. That same day, the
Democratic Convergence sworn in
Gerard Gourgue 'Provisional President
of the Government of Consensus and
National Union'. At a general meeting of
the Organisation of American States
(OAS) on June 5 2001, an offer by
Aristide to hold new Senate elections
was accepted by the General Council.
Aristide agreed to a new CEP being set
up and functioning by June 25. The
OAS and CARICOM jointly monitored
the talks between the parties leading
up to this deadline. The deadline was
not met due to differences between
Aristide's Fanmi Lavalas and the
opposition Democratic Convergence
Coalition. The deadline was extended to
July 3, but the talks were then
suspended still not having reached a
final consensus. Both Fanmi Lavalas and
the Democratic Convergence Coalition
have both stated recently that they are
ready to resume talks, but no date has
yet been set for the resumption of
dialogue. The most recent OAS Mission,
in March 2003, reiterated the need for
co-operation and dialogue, but still the
political impasse remains.
THE ECONOMY (Foreign Office UK)
Economy Overview
About 80% of the population lives in
abject poverty. Nearly 70% of all
Haitians depend on the agricultural
sector, which consists mainly of
small-scale subsistence farming and
employs about two thirds of the
economically active work force. The
country has experienced little job
creation since the former President
Preval took office in February 1996,
although the informal economy is
growing. Following legislative elections
in May 2000, fraught with
irregularities, international donors -
including the US and the EU -
suspended almost all aid to Haiti. This
destabilised the Haitian Currency, the
gourde, and, combined with fuel price
hikes, caused widespread price
increases...
Basic Economic Facts
GDP: purchasing power parity - US$12
billion (2001 est.); real growth rate:
1.2% (2000 est.)
GDP per head: purchasing power
capacity - US$306 (2002). GDP by
sector: agriculture - 26%; Industry -
8%; Services - 51%
Inflation: 28.88% (Jan 2003)
Natural resources: Bauxite. Copper,
calcium carbonate, gold, marble.
Major Industries: Agriculture: (32% of
GDP) - Coffee, mangoes, sugarcane,
rice, corn, cacao, sorghum, pulses,
other fruits and vegetables Industry
(20% of GDP) - Apparel, handicrafts,
electronics, food processing,
beverages, tobacco products,
furniture, printing, chemicals, and steel
Services: (48% of GDP) - Commerce,
government, tourism
Major trading partners: US ($301
million) Total Exports F.O.B. - $352
million: apparel, mangoes, leather and
raw hides, seafood, electrical (2000).
Imports - $1.0 billion C.I.F. From the US
$599 million - grains, soybean oil,
motor vehicles, machinery, meat,
vegetables, plastics, and petroleum
Exchange rate: approx. 42 Haitian
Gourdes = US $1.00
Note: There are serious problems with
national accounts in Haiti, including
incomplete coverage and the
questionable accuracy of raw data.
Since the demise of the Duvalier
dictatorship in 1986, international
economists have urged Haiti to reform
and modernise its economy. Under
President Preval, the country's
economic agenda has included
trade/tariff liberalisation, measures to
control government expenditure and
increase tax revenues, civil service
downsizing, financial sector reform,
and the modernisation of state owned
enterprises through their sale to
private investors, the provision of
private sector management contracts,
or joint public-private investment.
Structural adjustment agreements with
the International Monetary Fund (IMF),
World Bank, Inter-American
Development Bank and other
international financial institutions are
aimed at creating necessary conditions
for private sector growth, have
proved only partly successful. In the
aftermath of the 1994 restoration of
constitutional governance, Haitian
officials have indicated their
commitment to economic reform
through the implementation of sound
fiscal and monetary policies and the
enactment of legislation mandating the
modernisation of state-owned
enterprises. A council to guide the
modernisation program (CMEP) was
established and a timetable was drawn
up to modernise nine key parastatals.
Although the state-owned flour mill and
cement plants have been transferred
to private owners, progress on the
other seven parastatals has been
stalled for several years. The
modernisation of Haiti's
state-enterprises remains a
controversial political issue in Haiti.
External aid is essential to the future
economic development of Haiti, the
least developed country in the Western
Hemisphere and one of the poorest in
the world. Comparative social and
economic indicators show Haiti falling
behind other low-income developing
countries (particularly in the
Hemisphere) since the 1980s. Haiti's
economic stagnation is the result of
earlier inappropriate policies, political
instability, a shortage of good arable
land, environmental deterioration,
continued use of traditional
technologies, under-capitalisation and
lack of public investment in human
resources, migration of large portions
of skilled population, and a weak
national savings rate.
Haiti continues to suffer the
consequences of the 1991 coup and the
irresponsible economic and financial
policies of the de facto authorities
greatly accelerated Haiti's economic
decline. Following the coup, the United
States adopted mandatory sanctions,
and the OAS instituted voluntary
sanctions aimed at restoring
constitutional government. International
sanctions culminated in the May 1994
UN embargo of all goods entering Haiti
except humanitarian supplies, such as
food and medicine. The assembly
sector, heavily dependent on the US
market for its products, employed
nearly 80 000 workers in the
mid-1980s. During the embargo,
employment fell from 33,000 workers
in 1991 to 400 in October 1994. Private
domestic and foreign investment has
been slow to return to Haiti. Since the
return of constitutional rule, assembly
sector employment has gradually
recovered with over 20,000 now
employed, but further growth has been
stalled by investor concerns over
safety and supply reliability. If the
political situation stabilises, high crime
levels reduce, and new investment
increases, tourism could take its place
next to export oriented manufacturing
(the assembly sector) as a potential
source of foreign exchange.
Remittances from abroad now
constitute a significant source of
financial support for many Haitian
households.
Workers in Haiti are guaranteed the
right of association. Unionisation is
protected by the labour code. A legal
minimum wage of 70 gourdes a day
(about US $1.67) applies to most
workers in the formal sector.
Haiti will be dependent on international
assistance for some considerable time.
Poor standards of living coupled with
high expectations following Aristide's
return, lead to sporadic unrest. As the
situation deteriorates further the
exodus of economic migrants
continues. This is now a huge problem
affecting the nearby Turks and Caicos
Islands, a British Overseas Territory.
Investment and Business Opportunities
Foreigners seeking to establish a
business in Haiti must obtain a
residence visa. Non-resident
entrepreneurs must have a locally
licensed agent to conduct business
transactions within the country.
Individuals wishing to practice a trade
in Haiti must obtain an immigrant visa
from a Haitian Consulate and, in most
cases, a government work permit.
Transient and resident traders must
also have a professional ID card.
Property restrictions still exist for
foreign individuals. Property rights of
foreigners are limited to 1.29 hectares
in urban areas and 6.45 hectares in
rural areas. No foreigner may own
more than one residence in the same
district, or own property or buildings
near the border. To own real estate,
authorisation from the Ministry of
Justice is necessary. Hurdles for
businesses in Haiti include poor
infrastructure, a high cost port
(highest in the hemisphere), an
irregular supply of electricity, and
customs delays. The government places
a 30% withholding tax on all profits
received. There is little direct
investment, though more is incoming
than outgoing. Foreign Investment
protection is provided by the
constitution of 1987, which permits
expropriation of private property for
public use or land reform with
payment in advance. American firms
enjoy free transfer of interest,
dividends, profits, and other revenues
stemming form their investments, and
are guaranteed just compensation paid
in advance of expropriation, as well as
compensation in case of damages or
losses caused by war, revolution, or
insurrection.
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
Haiti is one of the original members of
the United Nations and several of its
specialised and related agencies, as
well as a member of the Organisation
of American States (OAS) and the
Caribbean Community (CARICOM). It
maintains diplomatic relations with 37
countries. The International Community
rallied to Haiti's defence during the
1991-94 period of illegal military rule. 31
countries participated in the US-led
Multinational force (MNF) which, acting
under UN auspices, intervened in
September 1994 to help restore the
legitimate government and create a
secure a stable environment in Haiti.
Six months later, the UN Mission in
Haiti (UNMIH) was charged with
maintaining the secure environment. A
total of 38 countries participated in
UNMIH. Since then, UNMIH has been
succeeded by UNSMIH, UNTIMH and
MIPONUH. In general terms, all these
missions have been mandated to help
establish a professional police force;
and to promote institution building,
national reconciliation and economic
rehabilitation in Haiti. Canada, the US
and France were the main contributors
of personnel. The UK contributed about
ú0.75 million per annum to the
common costs of MIPONUH.
The UK supported the UN
Secretary-General's recommendation
to replace the UN presence with a
longer-term programme of assistance
to Haiti to promote stability, democracy
and economic development once
MIPONUH's mandate expired on 30
November 1999. UNGA adopted a
resolution establishing the International
Civilian Support Mission (MICAH) on 17
December. It came into force
mid-March 2000. Unfortunately the
worsening political tensions and
violence, following Legislative and
Senate elections in May 2000,
weakened MICAH's ability to fulfil its
mandate. As a result, the
Secretary-General in November 2000
recommended that MICAH should
withdraw from Haiti. The withdrawal
was completed in February 2001.
The electoral crisis has resulted in the
blockage of most multilateral and
bilateral assistance. Major donors are
led by the United States, with the
largest bilateral assistance programme,
and also include Canada, France,
Germany, Japan and Taiwan.
Multilateral aid is co-ordinated through
an informal grouping of major donors
under the auspices of the World Bank
and includes the Inter American
Development Bank (IDB) and the
European Union. Some Haitian Support
Groups and ACP countries have
protested to a wide audience about the
policy of the International community in
withholding financial support. Millions of
dollars continue to flow into NGO and
civil society projects all around the
country, including EU money and US
dollars.
The Inter-American Development Bank
(IDB) has recently approved four
investment loans totaling $145.9m for
Haiti. These concessional resources will
support reform programmes in health,
education rural roads and water and
sanitation. The IDB Board also approved
the reformulation of a $50m sector
loan for Haiti.
HAITI'S RELATIONS WITH THE UK
The British Embassy based in Santo
Domingo has responsibility for British
interests in Haiti and the Ambassador
takes a keen interest in political events
there, visiting regularly. Historically
there has not been a close relationship
between the UK and Haiti. Intrinsic UK
interests in Haiti are limited. The UK
continues to support EU efforts to
implement a sustainable development
programme that aims to alleviate the
considerable levels of poverty that
exist in Haiti. The Embassy keeps in
close contact with the EU, US and
Canadian colleagues. The locally
engaged Vice-Consul in Port-au-Prince
is well connected and is a former US
Embassy Consular employee. Our main
concerns are the well being of the
Haitian population, and the threat to
regional stability, posed by illegal
Haitian immigrants in the British
Overseas territory of the Turks and
Caicos Islands (TCI). Less than 24
hours sailing time from Haiti, TCI has
attracted steady numbers of Haitians,
in un-seaworth sloops, looking for
employment in the TCI tourist and
construction industries. With a tiny
population and limited resources, TCI
has welcomed this source of cheaper
labour. But, increasing numbers
brought unsustainable social strains,
particularly on health, education and
housing. In January 1997, the
International Organisation for Migration
started a 12 month project to either
regularise or voluntarily repatriate up
to 4500 illegal migrants. This, in
various forms, has continued.
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